Protecting human rights and women human rights defenders

Attacks against women human rights defenders are extremely under-reported and anonymized in official United Nations statistics. In general, women are much more likely than men to be targeted with sexual and gender-based violence and to be subjected to verbal abuse, surveillance, and online violence. While all activists are targeted with defamation, smear campaigns, and online and offline hate speech, the attacks against women human rights defenders typically target their personal behaviour, their moral conduct, or their sex lives [1].
In 2021, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) verified 29 cases of killings of women human rights defenders, journalists, and trade unionists in 8 conflict-affected countries with data [2]. However, killing or attacks against women human rights defenders are extremely under-reported or anonymized in official United Nations statistics.
In a UN Women survey among women civil society representatives who briefed the Security Council between January 2021 and May 2022, 9 out of 32 respondents reported experiencing reprisals [3].
Since 2018, more than a third of briefers at the Security Council assisted by the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security have been subjected to reprisals and intimidation [4].
In 2022, the Security Council held its first-ever formal meeting focusing on reprisals against women participating in peace and security processes [5].
Between 2001 and 2018, 140 countries adopted counter-terrorism legislation. Fifty-eight per cent of prosecutions against human rights defenders in those countries were charged under such legislation [6].
Since 2019, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism has intervened in over 119 cases in 20 countries on behalf of women human rights defenders targeted under the guise of counterterrorism [7].

Women’s meaningful participation in peace processes

Between 1992 and 2019, women were, on average, 13 per cent of negotiators, 6 per cent of mediators, and 6 per cent of signatories in major peace processes worldwide. About seven out of every ten peace processes did not include any women mediators or women signatories [8].
In 2021, women participated as conflict party negotiators or delegates in all United Nations (co)-led peace processes. However, women’s representation stood at 19 per cent, compared to 23 per cent in 2020 [9].
Of the five United Nations-led or co-led peace processes in 2021, two were led by women mediators, and all five consulted with civil society and were provided with gender expertise [10].
In 2021, 8 out of 25 peace agreements (32 per cent) reached globally in 2021 included provisions referencing women, girls, and gender, an increase from 26 per cent in 2020 [11]. However, this is still barely above the average over the last two decades.
In 2021 more detailed gender provisions could be found in local agreements, such as the Lou Nuer-Dinka Bor-Murle Action for Peace agreement in Jonglei, South Sudan, where provisions seem to be more contextually rooted in the community mediation processes preceding them. The Jonglei agreement also featured three women’s representatives as signatories on behalf of their communities [12].
By July 2022, the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund’s rapid response window on women’s participation in peace processes and the implementation of peace agreements—an initiative launched in response to the Secretary-General’s call—has provided targeted and flexible support to 32 civil society organizations in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Mali, South Sudan and Syria [13].

Human rights, access to justice and services in conflict settings and humanitarian emergencies

In 2021, the United Nations verified almost 3300 cases of conflict-related sexual violence, 800 more than the previous year. A third of the 3300 verified cases were documented in the Democratic Republic of the Congo [14].
Sexual violence against children continued to increase, by over 20 per cent [15], with 98 per cent victims being girls.
Globally, 60 per cent of preventable maternal deaths take place in fragile settings where political conflict, displacement and natural disasters prevail [16].
As of August 2022, nearly 50 countries have liberalized their abortion laws over the past 25 years. In 2022, Colombia liberalized abortion laws [17].
Globally, the proportion of women aged 20-24 years that were married or in a union before age 18 was 19.5 per cent in 2021. In some conflict-affected countries, like Chad or the Central African Republic, the rates of child marriage were three times higher than the world average [18].
In 2021, 70 per cent of conflict-affected countries reviewed had national human rights institutions fully or partially in compliance with the Paris Principles [19]. Less than one third of such institutions are led by women [20].
Women play a critical role in shaping rule of law institutions, whether as decision makers, as justice advocates, or as victim-survivors accessing justice. In November 2021, Hilary Charlesworth was elected to fill a vacancy in the International Court of Justice and became only the fifth woman ever to hold that position, out of 110 judges over the past 76 years [21].
The International Labour Organization’s Employment Intensive Programme in Jordan, which provided employment in public works projects to 22,000 Syrian refugees and Jordanians from 2016 to 2022, shows that the implementation of quotas, pay equity, and zero tolerance for sexual harassment can make a difference, as the participation of women reached 20 per cent [22].

Women’s leadership and political participation

Worldwide, 26 per cent of national parliamentarians are women as of December 2021. In conflict-affected and post-conflict countries, women’s representation in parliament is lower at 21 per cent [23].
Women’s representation in local governments is higher than at the national level, with women holding 34 per cent of elected seats in local deliberative bodies globally and 22 per cent in conflict-affected and post-conflict countries in 2021 [24].
Women served as Heads of State and/or Government in 27 countries as of July 2022 [25].
Temporary special measures make a difference. In conflict-affected and post-conflict countries with legislated gender quotas, women’s representation in parliament stands at 24 per cent, compared with 18 per cent in countries where quotas have not been introduced. At the local level, where legislated gender quotas have been introduced, women’s representation is 27 per cent, compared to 11 per cent in countries without [26].
Women account for 22 per cent of ministers globally and 18 per cent in conflict-affected and post-conflict countries in 2021 [27].
In conflict-affected countries, women made up 16 per cent of members of COVID-19 national task forces [28].
From 2020 to 2021, there was a decrease in women’s participation in leadership and management structures in refugee and internally displaced people (IDP) situations. However, increased engagement of local women-led organizations was reported in humanitarian planning in several contexts, including Palestine, Ethiopia, Iraq, Yemen, Myanmar, and Syria [29].

Gender and climate security

The 66th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women recognized “the disproportionate impacts of climate change, environmental degradation and disasters on all women and girls who are in conflict and post-conflict settings and humanitarian emergencies” [30].
Research shows that extremely fragile states receive an average of USD 2.1 per person in climate financing, compared to USD 161.7 in non-fragile states [31]. An even smaller proportion of those funds reach women.
Women’s organizations and networks are increasingly integrating climate risk analysis into their work. Local feminist groups in the Pacific, for instance, provide guidance to the Pacific Climate Security Network, which helps policymakers identify, assess, and address regional and national climate-security risks [32].

Disarmament, arms control, and military spending

Global military spending continued to grow in the second year of the pandemic, reaching an all-time high of USD 2.1 trillion in 2021. This was the seventh consecutive year that spending increased [33].
The latest reporting on the United Nations Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat, and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons implementation shows that 62 per cent of States that responded to gender-related questions indicate that gender considerations have been included in policymaking, planning and implementation processes [34].
In 2022, less than half of National Action Plans (NAPs) on women, peace and security include specific actions on disarmament despite its importance for the realization of the women, peace, and security agenda. Of the 13 States launching new NAPs in 2021, only France, Germany, Mexico, Kazakhstan, and Uganda referenced disarmament, non-proliferation, or arms control [35].
In multilateral disarmament forums, wide gaps persist in women’s participation and women remain grossly underrepresented in many weapons-related fields, including technical arms control, and only 12 per cent of Ministers of Defence globally are women [36].
Historically, conflict-affected countries spend two to three times more on defence than on health, whereas in more stable countries, the opposite is true [37].
It is estimated that the cost of extending basic water, sanitation, and hygiene to unserved populations, achieving quality universal primary and early secondary education for all, and eliminating extreme poverty and hunger would cost only 2 per cent, 6 per cent, and 13 per cent of global military spending, respectively [38].
According to a study analysing data from 153 countries between 1990 and 2019, countries with lower income levels and lower levels of democracy see a strong association between militarization and gender inequality [39].
Research shows that countries where there are more women in legislative and executive branches of government have less defence spending and more social spending [40].
Data from the International Labour Organization show that countries that spend relatively more on military are significantly less likely to enact social protection measures targeting children and family or maternity/parental functions [41].

National and regional strategies for advancing women’s peace and security

As of August 2022, 103 countries and territories had adopted dedicated National Action Plans (NAPs) on women and peace and security, and 85 per cent of them have monitoring indicators to track progress. There are twelve regional and sub-regional organizations that have regional action plans or strategies in place [42].
As of August 2022, nine countries—Canada, Chile, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden—have developed or announced a feminist foreign policy [43].
The Women, Peace and Security and Humanitarian Action (WPS-HA) Compact launched at the Paris Generation Equality Forum marked its one-year anniversary in 2022. By September 2022, over 180 signatories had joined the Compact with specific commitments detailed in a new dashboard [44].
Since its foundation in 2016, the Women and Peace and Security Focal Points Network has continued to guide and advocate for accelerated implementation of the women, peace and security agenda among Member States and regional organizations. The network, currently chaired by Switzerland and South Africa, now includes 91 members [45].

Women’s leadership and representation in the United Nations

Significant progress has been made in women’s leadership in the field operations. By July 2022, almost half of senior leadership positions were held by women, though their representation was higher as Deputy Head of Mission (57 per cent) than as Head of Mission (35 per cent) [46].
The disparity at Head of Mission level is higher in peacekeeping where the four military-led missions are all led by men. Only 32 per cent of civilian personnel at all levels in peace keeping operations are women, and in some missions, women represent just one quarter of international staff [47].
As of December 2021, women were leading 6 out of 13 Special Political Missions (46 per cent) and 2 women were serving as Special/Deputy Special Envoy [48].
By end 2021, among resident coordinators, 51 per cent are women, including 53 per cent in conflict-affected countries [49].
Proactive measures to realize the UN’s Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018-2028 have started to show results, but there is still a stark underrepresentation of women in military contingents. As of December 2021, women represented [50]:
- 42 per cent of justice and corrections government-provided personnel
- 30 per cent of individual police officers
- 8 per cent of military experts on mission and staff officers
- 4 per cent of formed police units
- 8 per cent of military contingents

Gender expertise in United Nations field operations and peacebuilding

Among the 12 peacekeeping missions, eight have gender units, with a total of 52 gender advisors and officers, but only four of these are at the senior level (P-5). Of five gender advisor posts vacant in peacekeeping missions in 2021, four had been filled by February 2022 [51].
Across 20 special political missions, there were 148 staff engaged in providing gender expertise and support, including 31 full-time gender advisers. Seven special political missions had a senior gender adviser at the senior level (P-5), most of whom were funded through the regular budget. Among seven vacant posts of gender advisors or women’s protection advisers in special political missions in 2021, four posts remained unfilled as of July 2022 [52].
In 2021, the Gender Standby Capacity Project (GenCap) of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee deployed 22 senior gender advisors to improve humanitarian response [53].
In 2021, UN Women supported the implementation of women, peace, and security–focused initiatives in 76 countries across six regional settings and contributed to gender-responsive conflict analysis and rapid gender assessments in conflict and humanitarian settings [54].
The Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) is advancing implementation of its gender strategy. In 2021:
- 20 out of 37 (54 per cent) of PBC meetings were informed by briefings from women peacebuilders.
- All three Peacebuilding Fund country eligibility packages integrated gender-responsive conflict analysis, compared to four of five in 2020 [55].
In 2021, in its first-ever stand-alone resolution on United Nations transitions, the Security Council requested the Secretary-General to ensure that women’s full, equal, and meaningful participation, technical gender expertise, and a comprehensive gender analysis are included throughout all stages of mission planning, mandate implementation and review, and throughout the transition process [56].

Security Council’s work on women, peace, and security

Since 2000, the Security Council has adopted a total of ten dedicated resolutions on women, peace and security: resolutions 1325 (2000), 1820 (2008),1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013), 2122 (2013), 2242 (2015), 2467 (2019), and 2493 (2019) [57].
In 2021, 69 per cent of Security Council decisions included references to women, peace and security, five percentage points more than in 2020 [58].
Sixty-two women from civil society were invited to brief the Security Council on country-specific and thematic issues during 2021. By comparison, only 25 women from civil society briefed the Security Council between 2000 and 2015, and the maximum number in a year had been four [59].
In 2021, 44 per cent of the 354 briefers invited by the Security Council under rule 39 of the Council’s Provisional Rules of Procedure [60] were women. Women are typically over-represented among civil society briefers and under-represented among briefers from the UN and regional organizations.
In 2021, all 35 periodic reports submitted by special political missions to the Security Council, and 29 out of 30 reports submitted by peacekeeping missions contained references on women, peace, and security [61].

Financing the women, peace, and security agenda

Bilateral aid to fragile and conflict-affected contexts stood at USD 48 billion in 2020. Of this aid, USD 21.8 billion (42 per cent) was committed to support gender equality. Only USD 2.3 billion (5 per cent) was dedicated to projects or programmes with gender equality as a principal objective [62].
Bilateral aid supporting feminist, women-led and women’s rights organizations and movements in fragile or conflict-affected countries decreased to USD 150 million (0.3 per cent of bilateral aid) in 2020, compared with USD 181 million in 2019 [63].
Reporting on the United Nations System-Wide Action Plan on Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-SWAP) show that in 2021, less than half of reporting UN entities (41 per cent) had systems to track resources for gender equality. An increased number of UN entities reported having met or exceeded their target allocation on gender equality: 23 entities in 2021, compared to 16 in 2018 [64].
In 2021, 11 of the 23 United Nations Country Teams with Joint Work Plans in conflict-affected countries reported dedicating 15 per cent or more available resources to activities with gender equality as a principal objective [65].
In 2021, the Peacebuilding Fund allocated 47 per cent (USD 92.3 million) of its total allocation to support gender equality, exceeding both its 15 per cent and 30 per cent financing targets for gender equality [66].
The Peacebuilding Fund’s Gender and Youth Initiatives call allocated USD 51.5 million for 38 projects across 23 countries, 19 of which had a dedicated focus on gender equality, compared to USD 36.6 million in 2020 [67].
In 2021, 18 Multi-Donor Trust Funds (MDTFs) (37 per cent) and 32 Joint Programmes (JPs) (48 per cent) had financial targets on gender equality. Regarding financial allocations, 25 MDTFs (51 per cent) and 47 JPs (71 per cent) allocated 15 per cent or more of their resources to programmes with gender equality as a principal objective [68].
In 2021, the Central Emergency Relief Fund (CERF) approved USD 256.9 million for projects marked by the IASC Gender with Age Marker (GAM) [69] indicating gender was a consideration in the design of programming. Country Based Pooled Funds (CBFs) allocated USD 707 million for projects with strong gender mainstreaming components covering 20 country operations [70].
Since its launch in 2016, the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund (WPHF) has mobilized over USD 100 million and supported over 600 local women’s civil society organizations in conflict-affected and humanitarian settings, almost half of which have received funding through the United Nations for the first time. In 2022, the WPHF launched a new funding window for women human rights defenders [71].

Source https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/peace-and-security/facts-and-figures#_Protecting

Notes

[1] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 11. Also see Front Line (2020). Front Line Defenders Global Analysis 2019; and Front Line (2019). Front Line Defenders Global Analysis 2018.

[2] Data come from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 11.

[3] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 12.

[4] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 12.

[5] United Nations Meetings Coverage. Prospects for women peacebuilders vastly worse than before pandemic as spoilers ramp up action aimed at silencing their voices, human rights chief warns Security Council (SC/14768).

[6] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 63.

[7] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 63.

[8] United Nations (2021). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2021/827), para. 15. Data come from the Council on Foreign Relations, Women’s participation in peace processes.

[9] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 23.

[10] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 24.

[11] Data come from PA-X Peace Agreements Database, accessed June 2022. Bell et. al (2022). PA-X Codebook, Version 6. PeaceRep, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh.

[12] PeaceRep (2022). Gender perspectives in peace agreements: Time for a new approach?

[13] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 28.

[14] United Nations (2022). Conflict-related sexual violence: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/272).

[15] United Nations (2022). Children and armed conflict: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/493).

[16] World Health Organization (2021). Introducing the WHO technical package on quality of care in fragile, conflict-affected and vulnerable settings.

[17] Center for Reproductive Rights (2020). By the numbers: The legal status of abortion worldwide.

[18] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 37.

[19] The Principles Relating to the Status of National Institutions (The Paris Principles) adopted by the UN General

Assembly in its resolution 48/134 of 20 December 1993 provide the international benchmarks against which

national human rights institutions can be accredited by the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions.

[20] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 58.

[21] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 60.

[22] Input from Gender, Equality, Diversity and Inclusion Branch of the International Labour Organization to the UN Secretary General’s 2022 report on women peace and security.

[23] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 50.

[24] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 50.

[25] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 50.

[26] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 51.

[27] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 52.

[28] Data come from the COVID-19 Global Gender Response Tracker. United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 52.

[29] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 44.

[30] OHCHR (2022). Annual full-day discussion on the human rights of women, Achieving gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls in the context of climate change, environmental and disaster risk reduction policies and programmes: Agreed conclusions (E/CN.6/2022/L.7).

[31] UNDP (2021). Climate finance for sustaining peace: Making climate finance work for conflict-affected and fragile contexts.

[32] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 67.

[33] Data source comes from Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) Military Expenditure Database.

[34] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 46.

[35] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 47.

[36] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 48.

[37] Carlitz, R (2022). Comparing military and human security spending: Key findings and methodological notes. New York: UN Women.

[38] United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs (2019). Disarmament Yearbook (Part II), vol. 44.

[39] Elveren, A.Y. (2022). The impact of militarization on gender inequality. New York: UN Women.

[40] Benson, M. (2022). Militarization and women’s empowerment in post-conflict societies. New York: UN Women.

[41] Carlitz, R (2022). Comparing military and human security spending: Key findings and methodological notes. New York: UN Women.

[42] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 70, 72.

[43] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 71. See also UN Women (2022). Feminist foreign policies: An introduction.

[44] Compact on Women, Peace and Security and Humanitarian Action website.

[45] WPS Focal Points Network website.

[46] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 83.

[47] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 83.

[48] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 83.

[49] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 83.

[50] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 84.

[51] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 81.

[52] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 81.

[53] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 81.

[54] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 81.

[55] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 80.

[56] United Nations Security Council resolution 2594 (2021).

[57] See UN Women (2022). Global norms and standards: Peace and security.

[58] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 100.

[59] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 101.

[60] Under Rule 39, the Security Council may invite members of the Secretariat or other persons, whom it considers competent for the purpose, to supply it with information or to give other assistance in examining matters within its competence. See United Nations Security Council. Provisional rules of procedure.

[61] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 103.

[62] Data come from OECD Creditor Reporting System (accessed 24 June 2022). United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 89.

[63] Data come from OECD Creditor Reporting System (accessed 24 June 2022). United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 89.

[64] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 92.

[65] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 94.

[66] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 95.

[67]United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 95.

[68] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 96.

[69] IASC (2022). The IASC Gender with Age Marker.

[70] United Nations (2022). Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General (S/2022/740), para. 97.

[71] Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund website.